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                By definition, deception intentionally misleads another party in a
         way that implicitly provides an advantage to the deceiver (Aquino, 1998;
         Boles et al., 2000; Lewicki, 1982). Deception can be an active process,
         as when individuals misrepresent a situation by giving false information,

         or a passive one, as when individuals conceal information (Bok, 1978;
         Ekman, 2001). These two forms of deception are frequently referred to
         in the negotiation literature as sins of commission and sins of omission,

         respectively  (Murnighan  et  al.,  1999;  O’Connor  &  Carnevale,  1997;
         Schweitzer & Croson, 1999; Spranca, Minsk & Baron, 1991).
                Any  situation  that  has  a  competitive  element,  including
         negotiations,  is  likely  to  involve  deception  (Aquino  &  Becker,  2005;

         Hegarty & Sims, 1978; Lewicki, Saunders & Minton, 1999; Murnighan,
         1991;  Tenbrunsel,  1998).  However,  still  relatively  little  is  understood
         about the factors that trigger deception in negotiation. In the early 90s,

         research by  Lewicki et al. (1994) and by Murnighan (1991) identified
         four  factors  driving  deception  in  negotiation:  greed,  competition,
         uncertainty  and  experienced  injustice.  Because  of  these  factors,  self-

         interested negotiators are likely to deceive their counterpart so that they
         can  reach  better  outcomes  for  themselves  (Boles  et  al.,  2000).  These
         drivers have received empirical support over the last two decades. For

         instance, Lewicki and Spencer (1990) found that negotiators who expect
         to negotiate with a competitive counterpart are more willing to deceive
         than negotiators who expect to negotiate with a cooperative counterpart.
                 In addition to these four main drivers, prior research on deception

         has suggested that the characteristics of the individual and the situation
         will  affect  individuals’  propensity  to  deceive,  either  alone  or  in
         interaction (e.g., Hegarty & Sims, 1978; Lewicki, 1982; Schweitzer &

         Croson,  1999;  Trevino,  1986).  They  are  higher  for  males  (Robinson,
         Lewicki & Donahue, 2000), in dyads with high cognitive trust (Olekalns
         &  Smith,  2009),  for  negotiators  with  an  individualistic  orientation
         (O’Connor & Carnevale, 1997; see also De Dreu & Van Lange, 1995),

         and  in  bargaining  contexts  where  the  victims  are  powerless  and
         anonymous (Tenbrunsel & Diekmann, 2007).
                 Regardless  of  the  reasons  motivating  deception  in  negotiation,

         once negotiators intentionally misrepresent information at the bargaining
         table  they  recruit  various  justifications  for  their  unethical  actions  (see
         Ayal  &  Gino,  2011  for  a  discussion  of  justifications  individuals

         generally use after cheating). For instance, they may justify their actions
         by  convincing  themselves  that  their  counterpart  did  not  have  good
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