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                 Emotions in negotiations
                 Over  the  last  two  decades,  there  has  been  a  growing  interest  in
         studying the influence of discrete emotions in negotiation. Some of this
         work  has  focused  on  developing  theoretical  arguments  or  frameworks

         regarding the role of affect and affective processes in negotiation (e.g.,
         Allred,  1999;  Barry  &  Oliver,  1996;  Davidson  &  Greenhalgh,  1999;
         Lawler & Yoon, 1995; Morris & Keltner, 2000; Thompson et al., 1999).

         Other work, instead, has focused on empirical studies with emotions in
         negotiation as  the  central  focus  (e.g.,  Baron, 1990; Carnevale  &  Isen,
         1986;  Friedman  et  al.,  2004;  Kramer,  Newton,  &  Pommerenke,  1993;
         Shapiro, 1991; Shapiro & Bies, 1994; Sinaceur & Tiedens, 2006; Steinel

         et al., 2008).
                 In  approaching  emotion  research,  it  is  important  to  keep  clear
         definitions  in  mind.  Although  these  terms  are  at  times  used  loosely,

         emotions and moods are distinct constructs in the literature on emotions;
         affect is a third, related construct that generally includes the other two.
         Emotions  involve  physiological  arousal  that  arises  in  response  to

         specific events or situational stimuli (Parrott, 2001; Smith & Ellsworth,
         1985).  Emotions  are  more  specific,  differentiated  and  also  of  shorter
         duration  than  moods,  which  are  defined  as  diffuse  feelings  of  either

         positive  or  negative  valence  that  are  both  enduring  and  pervasive
         (Forgas,  1992;  1998).  Both  emotions  and  moods  are  important  in  the
         study  of  negotiation,  since  negotiations  generally  give  rise  to  many
         emotions.

                 Early  research  in  negotiation  focused  on  the  role  of  mood  and
         found that, in general, positive moods are associated with cooperative
         behavior (Barry & Oliver, 1996); they increase concession making, and

         they elicit creative problem-solving (Baron et al., 1990; Forgas, 1995;
         1998). Instead, negative moods are associated with competitive behavior
         (Barry & Oliver, 1996); they decrease initial offers as well as joint gains,
         and they increase the use of self-interested and competitive strategies at

         the bargaining table (Pillutla & Murnighan, 1996).
                 More recently, negotiation research has started to examine the role
         of discrete emotions rather than mood, but the research is still sparse. To

         date, anger and happiness are the most commonly studied emotions in
         negotiations (e.g., Allred et al., 1997; Van Dijk et al., 2008; Van Kleef et
         al., 2004), while other emotions have not yet received a lot of research

         attention. The empirical studies on the effects of emotion in negotiation
         that have been conducted so far have found that positive emotions help
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